Texas's Forgotten Socialist Past
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The Socialist Shadows of Texas: Unpacking the State’s Forgotten Radical Past
David Griscom’s book, The Myth of Red Texas, is more than just a historical account of the state’s socialist past – it’s a reminder that the narrative we tell about Texas has been distorted to fit a particular ideological mold. The Lone Star State’s history often reduces to its current status as a Republican stronghold, but Griscom’s work reveals a rich tradition of radical politics and labor activism predating the state’s rightward shift.
The mythology surrounding Texas’s cowboy culture is particularly interesting in this context. We’re told that these rugged individualists were fiercely independent and opposed to government intervention – but Griscom argues that this narrative is as much a product of myth-making as fact. In reality, many cowboys fought for public land access during the fence-cutting wars of the 1880s, only to be met with state-sanctioned repression.
The conflict over barbed wire and private property rights was more than just a squabble between individuals – it represented a broader struggle over the definition of Texas itself. Wealthy landowners saw the introduction of barbed wire as a tool for dispossession, allowing them to enclose vast tracts of land and exclude those who had previously enjoyed access to grazing lands, water sources, and roads.
The response from ordinary Texans was largely sympathetic to the cowboys’ cause, but the backlash was swift. Rich ranchers complained to government officials, who sent the Texas Rangers to crack down on fence-cutters. The state legislature eventually declared fence-cutting a felony punishable by up to five years in prison – a move Griscom sees as an example of how the state and legal system developed to serve the interests of the wealthy at the expense of working-class Texans.
A Forgotten History
The book’s focus on labor activism is equally fascinating. Griscom reveals that, despite crackdowns from the government and wealthy capitalists, Texans continued to organize for their rights throughout the late 19th century. In fact, by the early 1900s, Texas had one of the largest socialist party chapters in the country – a testament to the state’s rich tradition of radical politics.
This history cuts against the pervasive idea that the state will only become more progressive as outsiders move in. Instead, Griscom suggests that Texans’ historical attachment to democratic socialist politics is stronger than we might assume – and that efforts to reclaim this legacy could be key to building a more inclusive left-wing movement.
Some Democratic politicians have attempted to tap into this radical history with mixed results. James Talarico’s populist rhetoric has won praise from Griscom, but his willingness to cozy up to billionaires like Mark Cuban raises questions about the long-term viability of such an approach. As Griscom cautions, “the way to build a mass appeal and win a populist coalition is not by tacking right or pushing technocratic policies.”
Griscom’s prescription for rebuilding a true left-populist movement in Texas hinges on the buildout of organizations like the Democratic Socialists of America. These groups may lack the capital of wealthy far-right donors, but Griscom believes they can make up for it with “people power” – rootedness in working-class communities and a clear vision for improving life.
As union leader Taylor Rehmet’s special election victory demonstrates, this approach is not entirely without precedent. However, what does the future hold for Texas’s socialist shadows? As Griscom notes, “if you look at the history of the Texas populist movement, that was their great advantage” – a rootedness in working-class communities that can be mobilized to achieve real change.
For now, The Myth of Red Texas serves as a timely reminder that our understanding of Texas’s radical past is far from settled. As we move forward into an uncertain future, Griscom’s book offers a vital corrective to the dominant narratives – and a call to action for those seeking to reclaim the state’s forgotten history.
Reader Views
- TGThe Garage Desk · editorial
The Texas mythology is a rich tapestry of myth and misremembered history. But one crucial aspect Griscom's book leaves out is the role of socialist labor organizers in organizing cowboys and ranchers alike against large landowners. Men like Frank Little, a militant union organizer, played a pivotal part in sparking the fence-cutting wars, which isn't mentioned in the article. By overlooking these figures, we miss the nuance of a radical politics that crossed party lines and class boundaries, leaving us with an incomplete picture of Texas's forgotten socialist past.
- SLSara L. · daily commuter
The article does a great job of revealing Texas's socialist past, but what's just as important is how these radical movements have been eroded over time. With the state's rightward shift, many workers who benefited from early labor reforms now find themselves back at square one, fighting for basic protections like collective bargaining and workers' compensation. It's not just a matter of historical preservation; understanding our forgotten socialist past can inform more effective organizing today.
- MRMike R. · shop technician
While Griscom's book is a welcome corrective to Texas's sanitized history, I think he misses another key aspect of this period: the role of urban labor activism in shaping these rural conflicts. The struggles of cowboys and fence-cutters often receive more attention than those of city workers fighting for fair wages and better working conditions – yet it was precisely these working-class movements that fueled many of the radical ideas that eventually took hold among Texas's rural population.